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Workers of the world, unite!




The basis of the society in which we live is wage labor. The only source of profit is the exploitation of this wage labor, the labor of the working class. The profit comes out of the fact that, although we are paid a wage, in reality, we produce more value than we are paid (or, what is the same, we are not paid a part of the work we do). This happens even when we are paid what the agreement or the contract says because, otherwise, there would be no profit since nothing comes out of nothing. We cannot free ourselves from this exploitation because we can stop working for an employer, but we cannot free ourselves from the class of employers as a whole. If we do not agree to be exploited, we have nothing to buy food, pay for housing and clothing. This happens because the class of wage laborers do not have the means of production while the employers are the class of the owners of these means of production. Thus, wage labor is a form of exploitation and modern slavery. Whoever conceals this scientific fact or defends its permanence is a traitor to the working class and a lackey of the Capitalists.

This profit based on the exploitation of the working class is what they then cheat each other out of, share out underhandedly, etc. With the hype they give to "corruption" they conceal the fact that, even if there were no corruption, we would still be living in a system of exploitation and slavery.

We have seen many times the police and even the army intervene when the working class has raised struggles and strikes that have put the Capitalists in trouble. We also see continuously how the Courts or the Labor Inspection are a mockery for the workers. The parliament systematically passes laws that are nothing more than the will of the dominant class disguised as general interest. All this means that the parliamentary state is a weapon in the hands of the capitalists to guarantee exploitation: it is "a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie." (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).

Some currents propose that we make cooperatives or become autonomous. What is the crude reality behind this proposal? As long as the mercantile-capitalist system is maintained, we produce for a market that cannot be controlled and therefore anarchy of production and crises of relative overproduction of capital are produced. The consequence is bankruptcy due to competition or submission to the conditions of the bank for obtaining credit, as well as the self-imposition of marathon working hours and insane rhythms of work. In short, we would become our own exploiters in order to pay the credit to the bank. For this reason, the currents that propose self-management and similar only propose self-exploitation and are accomplices and perpetuators of the capitalist system.

Others say that everything would be solved by nationalizing the big enterprises or certain sectors. But the parliamentary State is the instrument of the employers' class (and it cannot be anything else) and the only thing that nationalization does is to substitute a private boss for the boss State. Nationalizations are always in exchange for a rescue or indemnity so that capital remains intact to continue exploiting the working class. Moreover, normally it is nationalized paying much more than it is worth and when the cycle alternates, what had been nationalized is privatized again, but for much less than it is worth.

But someone will exclaim: we must claim for the "public sector", health, education, etc. Is it not true that in public health care doctors are paid bonuses for giving less sick leaves and using less equipment? Is it not true that we are sent to work sick by the public medical courts? Is it not equally true that in schools it is taught that property is sacred, that the natural order of things is that there are employers and employees, that children are educated to meet schedules and accept discipline at work? Then, it is clear that the working class is interested in being given free access to the best medical methods and treatments, in not being forced to work sick, in not educating our children to be good slaves and exploited tomorrow. Our question is: what does this have to do with whether the service is public or private? Absolutely nothing. It is perfect for the bourgeoisie that certain services are provided by the State in order to reduce costs and thus be able to pay less salary to each individual bourgeois. That's all there is to it. For this reason, when they want to reduce the costs of wages, they cut back on health and education. Thus, those who call for nationalization and defense of the public sector are only sweetening the class content of the bourgeois state and calling, consciously or unconsciously, to defend the enemy's weapon.

The interest of the bourgeoisie is that we should not be aware of the situation of exploitation and for this reason it tries to prevent us from using the exact terms: working class, proletariat, wageworkers. This is why they speak of the "middle classes" and the "people". But words have a meaning. What is the "people"? The "people" are the set of classes that were not part of the aristocracy or the church. This therefore includes the landowners, the bourgeoisie. Perhaps we are told that large companies and banks are excluded. But 80% of the enterprises have less than 10 workers. In these small enterprises is where the most direct, brutal, and stark exploitation takes place, where wages are the lowest and where not even contracts are made, nor are contributions paid, nor can they take sick leave. To speak of "people" is to encourage and embellish the crudest exploitation of the working class, it means convincing the workers to help their own exploiters, it means betraying and abandoning a great mass of wage workers. Exactly the same applies to the "middle classes" which are either small owners or are privileged sectors of the working class trying to defend their status quo. Both of them, today, defend their present situation of privilege and call on the proletariat to defend them with misleading concepts instead of attacking the foundations of exploitation, they are thus conservatives and reactionaries.

All the above speeches are usually accompanied by a request to vote for this or that parliamentary party or old or newly created electoral platform. In our epoch - in the epoch of imperialism in which the domination of finance capital is overwhelming - parliamentarism is only the play with which the petty bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy are deluded, and they try to corrupt the working class. Parliamentarism is also a big business for those who occupy seats and manage municipal, regional, or central budgets. That is why they all lie more than they talk to get there, and they are all willing to do the opposite of what they promised.

A truly transforming and revolutionary movement can only be born out of this environment of parliamentary cretinism.

All exploiters are super patriots because they need to narcotize us so that we produce their profits, profits that they then evade and reinvest around the world. Thus our patriots exploit the working class of their own state and the rest of the world. One does not and cannot fight the exploiters with a supposed "true" patriotism because, as the Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848) says: "The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what they have not got". The working class is an international class and needs internationalism as the only oxygen to fight for its emancipation. Wage workers in other countries are our class brothers, our equals. Nationalism and patriotism are poison that divides the working class and calls us to the union with our exploiters: with the small, medium, and big bourgeoisie.

But should not something be done here and now? This is the usual question of the reformists to convince the proletarians to stop with the social revolutions. Certainly, something must be done here and now. But wanting to reform or preserve this society means maintaining the exploitation and slavery of the wage system, it means maintaining massive and growing unemployment, it means maintaining the wars that capitalism needs to overcome the crises of overproduction to which it is driven. No matter how many proletarian lives it costs!

The working class will not be able to undertake the radical and revolutionary transformation of the foundations of society if we are not capable first of fighting against the daily outrages to which we are subjected in the workplaces and if we are not capable of separating our immediate demands from the marsh of the small bourgeoisie. For this reason, what we have to do "here and now" is to defend ourselves from the outrages we experience in the workplaces, extending the struggle and with it the organization. The subsidized "unions" are union service companies, apparatuses at the service of the Employers. To oppose the abuses of the Capitalists the working class needs the Class Union: organization of immediate struggle not subsidized by the Employer nor by the State, without members released from work or professionals, in which nationalism and parliamentarism are excluded, promoting direct action and the extension of indefinite strikes and without minimum services.     

We will be told that drastically reducing working hours, raising wages with strong linear increases, eliminating subcontracting, lowering the retirement age, etc. is too much. We respond that whoever reasons like that is a defender of slavery and that if capitalism survives by exploiting the working class... let capitalism explode!

And if capitalism collapses, what is the alternative? The alternative to capitalism is a society without classes, without money, without private property and without mercantile exchange: Communism. But hasn't communism already failed? We have always been told that in Russia and satellites, in China, Vietnam, Cuba or Venezuela there was socialism or communism. This is a huge lie because "there can no longer be any wage-labour when there is no longer any capital" (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848) and in all these places there has always been wage labor and commodities. This lie was denounced by the Communist Left since 1926 against the false theory of "socialism in one country". However, the October revolution of 1917 was indeed a politically proletarian revolution which overthrew the bourgeois provisional government, the tsarist restoration, established the dictatorship of the working class over the propertied classes, put an end to World War I and founded the Communist International. This great proletarian revolution could not develop economically without a revolution in Europe and it was retracted until it was buried by "Stalinism" which assassinated the old Bolshevik guard, dissolved the corpse of the Communist International in 1943,  made a pact first with the National Socialist German Workers' Party (better known as the "Nazi" party) for the division of Eastern Europe (1939-1941) and then with the USA, England and France for the division of half of Europe and the world (1945), rehabilitated the Orthodox Church in Russia, entered the UN (the "thieves' kitchen", according to Lenin), etc.

The fall of the Berlin Wall and the Russian bloc is not the failure of communism or socialism: it is the failure of Russian capitalism dressed up as socialism, the failure of a great historical lie.

At present, we live in the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, no matter how much embellishment they put on it. It is a truth that we feel at every moment in the strikes, in the courts, etc. For this reason, we will not succeed in breaking or modifying the system of capitalist relations of production, from which exploitation derives, without destroying the bourgeois State. The working class will have to equip itself in turn with its own instrument to prevent the restoration of slavery and exploitation: the dictatorship of the proletariat, history does not allow a middle term. However, this revolutionary State is only necessary in a transitory period and will die out and will be gradually replaced by the collective organization of the associated free producers.

To be able to carry out this task, the working class needs a Party with a scientific understanding of history and a program that is not one of reform or conservation of the present society: this party is the International Communist Party that must gather the most advanced and determined part of the proletariat, unifying the efforts of the proletarian masses by leading them from the struggle for contingent interests and results to the general struggle for the revolutionary emancipation of the proletariat.

It is essential to understand that "without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement" (Lenin) and to study the scientific foundations of Marxism ("Wage Labor and Capital", "Manifesto of the Communist Party", "Anti-Dühring", "Capital") together with the lessons drawn by the Communist Left from the tactical-programmatic-organizational degeneration of the Communist International (degeneration of which "Trotskyism" was a co-participant), which ended up abandoning the world communist revolution in 1926.

This bourgeois world is sinking and threatens to drag us down with it, we have no patches or mends to apply it but a new society to fight and live for. And not a caricature of it with changed names but a truly communist society: without wage labor, without market, without anarchy of production, without private property, without State, without crisis or war... in which "the free development of each will be the premise of the free development of all" (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).



www.pcielcomunista.org – twitter.com/pcielcomunista

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Workers of the world, unite!




What are central banks fighting against?

In the comments and decisions of the central banks (Fed, ECB, BoE) there is a repeated refrain: the evolution of the "labor market". In short, a "strong" labor market (with a lot of demand for jobs and few unemployed) is a problem for the bourgeoisie and the interest rate hikes are aimed at trying to make hiring more difficult in order to rebalance the balance of supply and demand in favor of the management and to slow down wage rises. More or less explicitly, everyone has said it: "The ECB advocates raising interest rates further to curb wage rises." (Expansión, 07-03-2023).


The excuse and the real reason

The excuse of the central banks (to prevent wage increases to cause inflation) was already refuted in 1865 by K. Marx. But this does not mean that they do not have a very concrete and well-founded (bourgeois) class interest in acting against wage rises. In the refutation we find the explanation of this class interest of the bourgeoisie: “A general rise of wages would, therefore, result in a fall of the general rate of profit, but not affect values.” (Value, Price and Profit, K. Marx).


Surplus value and the labor force commodity

One of the most important scientific discoveries for the working class is that the only source of profit is surplus value, obtained through the exploitation of the working class:

“In our present-day capitalist society, labor power is a commodity like any other, and yet quite a peculiar commodity. It has, namely, the peculiar property of being a value-creating power, a source of value and, indeed, with suitable treatment, a source of more value than it itself possesses. With the present state of production, human labor power not only produces in one day a greater value than it itself possesses and costs; with every new scientific discovery, with every new technical invention, this surplus of its daily product over its daily cost increases, and therefore that portion of the labor day in which the worker works to produce the replacement of his day's wage decreases; consequently, on the other hand, that portion of the labor day in which he has to make a present of his labor to the capitalist without being paid for it increases.(Introduction by F. Engels to Wage Labor and Capital).



The contradictions of the current situation

Capitalism is still immersed in a series of contradictions that we have been showing in "The Internationalist Proletarian” nº9 (p. 12 and 13) and in “The Internationalist Proletarian” nº10 (p.28).

On the one hand, the bourgeoisie is concerned about a persistent labor shortage in certain sectors, a reduction in hours worked per worker and in the employed population, while at the same time unemployment rates remain low (in the US they have reached 3.5%, a 40-year low). At the same time, a wave of massive layoffs is taking place, starting in the technology sector but expanding in general to other sectors of the labor aristocracy and which, at the end of this first quarter of 2023, between the US and Europe, reached the sum of "158,000 layoffs, of which at least 21,000 (13%) were in Europe, compared to 10% in January". (Expansión, 10-04 -2023).

Reflecting inflation, there has been a wave of strikes worldwide, mostly in sections of the labor aristocracy but not only, reflecting inflation, which has put upward pressure (although insufficiently) on wages. And, while there is an exponential increase in robotization (see p.23 of “The Internationalist Proletarian” nº11), the population is ageing, and the birth rate is falling.


Relative surplus laboring population

Capitalism needs to produce and produces an industrial reserve army for the needs of expansion of its accumulation process and as a condition of life of its own regime: "(...) a surplus laboring population is a necessary product of accumulation or of the development of wealth on a capitalist basis, (...) a condition of existence of the capitalist mode of production. It forms a disposable industrial reserve army (...) Independently of the limits of the actual increase of population, it creates, for the changing needs of the self-expansion of capital, a mass of human material always ready for exploitation.". (Capital, Volume I, Section 7, Chapter XXIII, K. Marx). It is precisely the shortage of this reserve industrial army in certain sectors that torments the bourgeoisie, but it is not the only one.


The bourgeoisie is incompatible with society

In addition to this industrial reserve army that moves in and out of production, capitalism generates an ever-increasing mass of unproductive workers for the purposes of capitalist accumulation. This system, which is based on the exploitation of the working class, is forced to feed them, even though miserably, through subsidies, benefits, and pensions. This is not a new or unforeseen phenomenon: "(…) the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him." (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).

Capitalism has already shown with the crematorium ovens during the Second World War what its ultimate solution to this contradiction is and part of the bourgeoisie is aware of it: "The FMI demands, among other measures, that benefits be cut, and the retirement age be delayed in view of "the risk of people living longer than expected."" (El País, 11-04-2012).


For the abolition of wage labor

As long as capitalism exists, labor-power will be a commodity subject to the laws presiding over the anarchy of mercantile production: "The condition of existence of capital is wage-labour" (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).  These laws include the periodic necessity of the destruction of the productive forces already created and of the commodities produced in excess, also of the commodity labor-power.

We will only put an end to this situation when we put an end to the commodity character of the labor force of the working class: “They ought to understand that, with all the miseries it imposes upon them, the present system simultaneously engenders the material conditions and the social forms necessary for an economic reconstruction of society. Instead of the conservative motto: “A fair day's wage for a fair day's work!” they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “ABOLITION OF THE WAGES SYSTEM!”.” (Value, Price and Profit, K. Marx, 1865).


The need of class unionism

From its beginnings Marxism has made clear the close and necessary relationship between the immediate struggle (with its limitations) whose organ is the Class Union and the revolutionary perspective whose organ is the Communist Party.

“Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers. (…) This organization of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier.” (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).

“(...) is this saying that the working-class ought to renounce their resistance against the encroachments of capital, and abandon their attempts at making the best of the occasional chances for their temporary improvement? If they did, they would be degraded to one level mass of broken wretches past salvation. (…) By cowardly giving way in their everyday conflict with capital, they would certainly disqualify themselves for the initiating of any larger movement. (Value, Price and Profit, 1865, K. Marx). 

The meaning of these passages is as profound as striking: a class that drags along an existence of humiliation, that is run over and crushed without even feeling the impulse to rebel and undertake the immediate struggle against this situation, is incapable of abolishing the slavery to which it is subjected.


One more example of pestilent integration

Whereas the last CCOO congress in Spain was attended by the chief of the Employers Association (CEOE) (see p.8 of “The Internationalist Proletarian” nº8), the last CGIL congress was attended by the President of the Italian Government. For some, the reason for the scandal is the parliamentary affiliation of the aforesaid: the folklorically philo-fascist party Brothers of Italy. The presence of the Spanish Minister of Labor (member of the falsely named Communist Party of Spain), who also participated, would be a reason for applause. However, beyond the different parliamentary varnish of the two speakers, their political essence is the same and is well summarized by the Italian president: “But today is March 17th, the Feast of National Unity. (…) With this presence, this debate, today we can truly try to celebrate national unity. Because unity is not the annulment of opposition, which has an educational role for any community. Unity is the higher interest, the common destiny that gives meaning to the contrast". It had been 27 years since no prime minister had attended and spoken at the CGIL congress. (…) the outgoing secretary, called her a few weeks ago and invited her to the meeting. "The union dialogues with everyone without prejudice” (...)" (El País, 18-03-2023).

This is just one more sign of the pestilent integration of the large so-called trade union organizations and of the complete loss of their character as class unions. 

All the animals in the parliamentary zoo act according to the social-political content of the Fascist Labor Charter (1927), the basis of all current European and world labor legislation: “In collective labor contracts, the solidarity of the various factors of production finds its concrete expression in the reconciliation of the opposing interests of employers and workers, and in their subordination to the superior interests of production”.


Fascism: military defeated but socially vanquisher

Since the end of the 2nd world slaughter, it was clear that: "(...) the trade union dynamics continues to develop uninterruptedly in the full sense of state control and inclusion in the official administrative instances. Fascism, dialectical realizer of the old reformist instances, carried out that of the legal recognition of the trade union so that it could be the holder of the collective agreements with the bosses to the point of the effective imprisonment of any trade union organization in the articulations of the bourgeois class power. This result is fundamental for the defense and preservation of the capitalist regime precisely because the influence and use of trade unionist framing is an indispensable stage for any revolutionary movement led by the communist party." (Revolutionary Party and Economic Action, 1951).

And this has been the Party's assessment, without hesitation, since the reconstitution of the C.G.L. as C.G.I.L: “it cannot dissimulate that not even the confederation that remains with the social-communists of Nenni and Togliatti is based on class autonomy. It is not a red organization, it is also a tricolor organization STITCHED ACCORDING TO THE MODEL OF MUSSOLINI." (The Trade Union Splits in Italy, 1949).


Convicted inside the integrated trade union prison?

While some want to make us renounce the union organization by handing it over to the ruling class, others want to lock us inside the integrated union prison. Neither one thing nor the other.

Already the theses of the International make clear that, although we are not scissionists by principle in the trade union plane, the communists: “5. (…) ought not to hesitate before a split in such organizations, if a refusal to split would mean abandoning revolutionary work in the trade unions, and giving up the attempt to make of them and instrument of revolutionary struggle, the attempt to organize the most exploited part of the proletariat". (II Congress of the Communist International, 1920).

The Characteristic Theses of our Party, after stating that "7. The party never adopts the method of forming partial economic organizations comprising only workers who accept the principles and leadership of the communist party", impose a task to the militants and to the Party themselves: "(...) It is the task of the party, in unfavorable periods and periods of passivity of the proletarian class, to foresee the forms and encourage the appearance of organizations with economic objectives for the immediate struggle, which may even assume totally new aspects in the future, after the well-known types of corporation, industrial union, company council, etc. (...)" (Characteristic Theses, 1951).

The function of integrated unionism is to control any small glimmer of class organization even for the immediate struggle: to integrate it, and if it resists, to betray it and stifle it.

The function of communists is the opposite: to stimulate this immediate struggle without ceasing to show its limitations, to politically elevate the workers who undertake it, to link it with the higher objective of the abolition of wage labor, of the communist revolution. If we – Marxists – desert this function, only the action of opportunism remains and the seams of the Mussolinian straitjacket cannot be broken. 

This function can only be done today by ORGANIZING THE CLASS UNION, OUTSIDE AND AGAINST THE TRADE UNION PRISON OF THE WORKERS' MOVEMENT for which the denominations of democratic or subsidized trade unionism, HR branch, trade union services company, etc. are valid.

INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST PARTY - "THE INTERNATIONALIST PROLETARIAN” – April 2023 – pcielcomunista.org – @pcielcomunista

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Workers of the world, unite!




The NATO summit is being held at this time in Madrid. Undoubtedly, a summit of criminals and murderers, the summit of a world bourgeois terrorist organization. And this summit is being held with a government in the Spanish State of false "socialists" and "communists" who are nothing more than the most fervent lackeys and defenders of the capitalist system, its best managers. We must denounce, destroy and pass over this false socialism and false communism, we must recover Marxism.

The crisis is advancing and Western imperialism is rearming so as to try to contain and confront its competitors. The exploited proletariat in the NATO countries must desire the defeat of its own imperialist country and act accordingly. This is the only internationalist position, REVOLUTIONARY DEFEATISM: A revolutionary class cannot but wish for the defeat of its government in a reactionary war (…) Socialists must explain to the masses that they have no other road of salvation except the revolutionary overthrow of “their” governments.” (Socialism and War, Lenin, 1915).

A part of opportunism would like to make us choose between the USA, the EU, Russia, China, Iran, etc. We must reject this trap, which is the same as always. The Western bourgeoisie is not the only one to intervene militarily throughout the world by means of regular troops, mercenaries and hired assassins. The lesson of 1871, when Prussia unleashed the French army to massacre the Paris Commune, is valid today worldwide: all the armies of the world are confederated against the proletariat.

Just as in the heart of every petty bourgeois beats the ambition and greed of big capital, in the heart of all the anti-imperialist bourgeoisies of yesterday beats the imperialist ambition and greed of their colonialist oppressors of yesterday. This does not lessen the necessary and bourgeois (not proletarian) revolutionary character of the anti-colonial revolutions that had to break, along with the local pre-capitalist obstacles, the straitjacket that tried to sew the previously arrived imperialisms: Spain, England, France and ... USA. But it would be a supine blindness and a betrayal of Marxism not to see that the areas that were the scene of this bourgeois anti-colonial struggle are now an integral part of the world market and that the bourgeoisies that dominate in them play a role of their own in the war for the domination of the world market and the sharing out of the exploitation of the world proletariat.

Our position: “(…) picture to yourselves a slave-owner who owned 100 slaves warring against a slave-owner who owned 200 slaves for a more “just” distribution of slaves. Clearly, the application of the term “defensive” war, or war “for the defense of the fatherland” in such a case would be historically false, and in practice would be sheer deception of the common people, of philistines, of ignorant people, by the astute slaveowners. (…) It is not the business of Socialists to help the younger and stronger robber to rob the older and overgorged robbers. Socialists must take advantage of the struggle between the robbers to overthrow them all.(Socialism and War, Lenin, 1915).

Just as the Holy Alliance tried to stop the bourgeois revolution with an international of absolutism, the capitalist world has founded after the Second World War its Internationals (UN, NATO, Aukus, CSTO, WB, IMF, IDB, etc.), to maintain its order against the uprising of the productive forces and against its future gravedigger, the proletariat.

In spite of the use of the democratic sweet-talk on a vast scale, the military victors of the second world slaughter are the testamentary executors of the social and economic content of fascism: integration of the world networks of capital into organizations that attempt the self-limitation and control of economic contradictions, integration of the trade union movement into the State apparatus to root out even the slightest impulse of immediate struggle, centralized organizations for repression and war. This development of capitalism already foreseen by Marx in Capital and explained by Lenin in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism not only does not definitively attenuate the economic, political-military and social explosions, but prepares their outbreak with multiplied destructive and repressive potential.

The macabre game of opportunism consists in making the proletarian class believe that it cannot rise up to fight for its own historic program, that it cannot take a single step without supporting and submitting itself to this or another fraction of the bourgeoisie or petty bourgeoisie, without renting itself out as a pawn to this or another capitalist power against another considered worse.

This is the summary of today's and yesterday's opportunism: locally, always in tow of this or that interclassist social movement or democratic slogan; globally, always rented to this or that capitalist power against another supposedly worse one.

Faced with the development of the capitalist world that we have described, the movement of the proletarian class will only be able to resume its struggle if it understands that it cannot and must not mourn the outdated stage of liberal tolerance, of the sovereign independence of nations, but that history offers only one way to eliminate all exploitations, all tyrannies and oppressions: the path of revolutionary class action which, in any country whatsoever, aligns the working class against the local bourgeoisie, with complete class autonomy in political thought, organization and behavior, in combat action; uniting the forces of the proletarians of the whole world across the frontiers of all countries - in "peace" and in war - in a unitary organism whose action will not stop until the complete annihilation of the institutions of capitalism.



  • Rejection of all nationalism: "workers have no country".
  • Rejection of solidarity with “our” company business and with the "national" economy.
  • Revolutionary defeatism against the bourgeoisie itself in times of commercial or military war.
  • Joint and international organization of the proletarians of all languages in the International Communist Party for the communist revolution on a world scale.



INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST PARTY - "THE INTERNATIONALIST PROLETARIAN – June 2022 – pcielcomunista.org – @pcielcomunista

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Workers of the world, unite!





The historical and material determinants of the current period are the crisis of relative overproduction of capital, the shift of the center of gravity of capitalism towards Asia and the breakdown of the world division.

The crisis of relative overproduction of capital manifests itself in the most evident way in the enormous injection of capital that has produced negative interest rates (even nominal, but above all real, both bank and bond yields), a swelling of both government and corporate debt and in particular of junk debt, an excess of liquidity manifested by a plethora of capital, etc. that form the premises for the outbreak of a financial and industrial crash.

The epileptic resumption of world circulation after the lockdowns has generated a dichotomy of overcrowding and undersupply at the global level. This highlights the anarchy of production and, in turn, manifests itself simultaneously as a crisis of overproduction of goods that overcrowd before reaching their destination together with a crisis of surplus productive overcapacity in relation to the supply it receives.

This has meant the de facto paralysis of part of the industrial production capacity and the increase in prices of certain products, initially some of them of a secondary nature and then mainly of raw and auxiliary materials.

At the same time, OPEC+ has kept global oil production below demand and has not yet recovered to the level of production prior to the 2020 lockdowns. Oil was in free fall before the lockdowns and its price is doomed to fall because of the decision to drastically reduce the use of fossil fuels. However, there is no immediate replacement energy capacity and the onset of this transition has produced the opposite effect through a series of upheavals: the price of oil has soared and the use of coal to generate electricity has broken its historical record.

The shortage has reached the commodity labor power, either because of shortages in sectors such as road transport, or because of the refusal of many workers to return to work in the office, or because of the difficulty of travelling for immigrant workers. This has put upward pressure in certain sectors and areas on the wages of the lower categories.

A phenomenon to follow is how and to what extent the bourgeoisie has managed to transfer the price increase of this part of constant capital and, to a certain extent, of variable capital (wages) to the prices of final products (which have seen substantially smaller increases). One of the factors that historically slow down the tendential fall of the rate of profit is the devaluation of constant capital, we are witnessing a substantial increase in the price of a part of constant capital that stifles the profit of a whole series of productive sectors.

The US and European bourgeoisie were pumping more gasoline into the huge barrel of gunpowder accumulated, injection after injection, when the rising costs of energy and raw or auxiliary materials began to choke the profit margins of ever larger sectors of the bourgeoisie, while in certain sectors they were even forced to raise wages. While the stock market bubble continued to swell to record highs, a substantial part of the companies was seeing their shares fall on the stock exchange.

In parallel, the shift of capitalism's center of gravity towards Asia continues. The congestion in the port of Los Angeles and in other Western ports is not only the product of the epileptic resumption but also of a real increase in imports from Asia to the US, a situation which has finally collapsed the US trade balance and turned it into an imperialism which exports... empty containers! The low interest rates, chronicled for more than a decade, have produced a tendency for part of the speculative capital to move towards the financial markets of China where the interest rate was higher. This is an additional reason for US capitalism to try to raise interest rates.

But the classic bourgeois recipe of raising interest rates and ceasing to expand asset purchases would amplify the unmitigated outbreak of the crash (not to mention ceasing to buy back debt in order to maintain accumulated balance sheets): the depreciation of all speculative capital, the increase in the cost of debt refinancing and the potential bankruptcy of a whole series of States and companies highly indebted.

Therefore, the capitalist world was moving at a brisk pace during the year 2021 towards the outbreak of the financial and industrial crash, on the basis of the productive overcapacity and overproduction of capital accumulated over the years, as well as the rales and spasms of the resumption of circulation after the lockdowns.

This leads to a series of inevitable losses for the capitalist class as a whole, but how much of it each capitalist has to bear is decided by strength and cunning: this is how it is determined what part of capital will be destroyed or left unused, what part will suffer a relative or temporary loss (Capital, Book III, Ch. XV).

The balance of power between the different imperialisms is no longer the same as it was in 1945, through a long process, and the rupture of the division of the world is manifested - without being exhaustive - in the US military withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan, in the genuflections and apologies to the Chinese government by US tycoons, in the direct delegations of US businessmen to China bypassing their government, in the expansion of China through the New Silk Road and its drilling of the backyards of Western imperialisms, the Russian military intervention on a global level, etc. And yet, the previous division of the world has not disappeared all at once, and various aspects of it are still in place. A new division of the world can only be achieved through imperialist, commercial and military warfare.

It is at the intersection of these necessary processes that the rest of the apparently accidental events take place, through which the underlying processes end up manifesting themselves and imposing themselves on material reality.

All this has been reflected on the political-military surface of the capitalist world in an increase of military effervescence worldwide with North Korea launching missiles on a weekly basis, China launching a hypersonic missile that literally went around the world, the increase of clashes and provocations in the Gulf of Aden, in the South China Sea, in the Black Sea, the expulsion of European imperialism from the Sahel and the intensification of the conflict in Ethiopia and Yemen, etc.

Following the plan initiated in 2008 - which then proved unsuccessful in preventing the outbreak of the crisis - the US has been building up a fortified powder keg in Ukraine, carrying out a series of summits and declarations of Western imperialism in the sense of reoccupying Crimea and part of the Donbas. This has pushed Russian imperialism to attack first, risking otherwise to see Ukraine reoccupy these territories. Two other factors have finally pushed Russia: the perspective of its future weakening linked to the reduced use of fossil fuels and the emboldening produced by the US withdrawal and its rapid victory in Kazakhstan.

But it is not only strength that counts but also cunning, and Russian imperialism had been meticulously set up, boosting its arrogance with threats of ridiculously inadequate sanctions while arming its regional rival to the teeth.

NATO and the US have taken direct military intervention out of the equation from the outset, refusing even to declare a no-fly zone. This is a sign of their relative weakness, but it is also a waiting game for a situation in which the bleeding out of the Russian army would allow them to act with a greater chance of success. In no case we can exclude NATO military intervention in Ukraine and the rest of the world.

Even once the attack by Russian imperialism had begun, the sanctions announced were timid and superficial in order to incite Russia to commit itself to a position from which it could not easily extricate itself. Then began what can be characterized as the circumcentric attempt of U.S., European and Japanese imperialism to offload the losses of the financial-industrial crack concentrically on Russian imperialism.

It is the attempt of US imperialism to generate a reciprocal destruction and bleeding between Ukraine and Russia as they did with Iraq-Iran from 1980 to 1988, to put Russia again through the debacle that followed 1989, to lock it into its relative overproduction as they then did with Japan from 1992 onwards, as they tried with China in 2020. It is the plan to reignite the war in Europe in order to carry out the destruction there or else to weaken the independent expectations of European imperialism, returning it to the lap of the USA and securing the exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the USA. European imperialism has been trying to avoid this situation, swimming between two waters, but its weakness on the military and cybernetic level, the drilling of its backyard by China with the low prices of its goods and its investment in infrastructures, as well as the irruption of the Russian bully at the edge of its borders, drastically diminish its room for maneuver. Just as a sector within the USA would be rather prone to attempt an alliance with Russia, so too within the European bourgeoisies there are sectors watching how their sacrifice is being prepared in case the conflict spreads from Ukraine to other neighboring states.

The repercussions of this destruction and paralysis will not be limited to Russia, but will reverberate throughout the capitalist world, because of its direct exposure to the Russian market and the fact that the origin of the crack is not in Russia. At the same time, this situation throws Russia into the hands of China and it will be Chinese companies that will fill the vacuum left in the Russian market by the flight of Western companies.

Two major imperialisms such as China and India have refused to condemn Russian imperialism and, in fact, are buying gas and oil from it at significant discounts.

The positions from which US, European and Japanese imperialism are shooting are the predominance of the dollar and the euro in world trade, its capability to freeze funds and transactions in dollars, euros and yen, rendering half of the Russian reserves useless, its control over the SWIFT payment system, which is ten times larger than its Chinese equivalent.

Regardless of the immediate effects of Western imperialism's attempt, of its partial success or even if it backfires, the medium and long term consequences will be the acceleration of the loss of the positions on which it currently relies, i.e.: the displacement of the dollar and the euro as currencies of hoarding and payment by other currencies and especially by the yuan; the displacement of its payment systems by the Chinese alternative; the displacement of the place of deposit and investment by the Asian alternatives to it.

On the immediate level, real interest rates remain negative and the US interest rate curve remains between flat and inverted, with Western corporate profit margins narrowing and essential commodity inflation soaring, hitting the proletariat.

In any case, the destruction in Russia and Ukraine, even with the paralysis of part of world production due to the rise in the price of raw materials, is not enough to overcome the crisis of world productive overcapacity. The production volcano is in Asia and US imperialism can only hope for a temporary relief if it does not extend this destruction to the Asian continent.

Capitalism is advancing along the path of imperialist war towards the third world war in which the proletariat awaits the role of cannon fodder at the front and exploitation flesh in the rear if it does not arise - as a reaction against the war or from its development - the recovery of the class organizations of the proletariat, the constitution of the proletariat in class for itself, in International Communist Party, to jugulate capitalism by responding to its war with revolutionary defeatism, rejecting any form of solidarity with the bourgeoisie itself and overthrowing it.





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Workers of the world, unite!




On February 24th, 2022, the Russian imperialist army has started a large-scale attack against the Ukrainian state which has been armed and prepared for years by the European and U.S. imperialisms.


What historical processes determine the situation? 

The center of gravity of world capitalism has been shifting and is shifting towards Asia (first the productive, then the commercial and finally the financial one), determining a gradual but inexorable loss of power of the winners of the 2nd world slaughter (USA in the first place).

The division of the world carried out at Yalta and Potsdam in 1945 among the victorious capitalist powers of the second world slaughter has long since ceased to correspond to the real balance of power between the various imperialisms.

The world order inaugurated with the atomic bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, by the bombings of Dresden and Hamburg, on the ashes of the incineration on the war fronts and in the rear of tens of millions of workers throughout the world for the greater glory of capital, has expired.

The development of capitalism to all corners of the world and the volcano of production in Asia have plunged capitalism since 2008 into a great crisis of overproduction of which the episodes are following one after the other. This crisis of capitalist overproduction is sinking the rate of profit, sharpening the trade war and imposing the need for the destruction of the productive forces as a capitalist way out of the crisis.

Both the rupture of the division of the world and the crisis of relative overproduction of capitals lead the capitalist world towards imperialist war; it is not a question of the madness of one or another puppet but of the essence of the capitalist solution to the crisis: "And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced DESTRUCTION of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the CONQUEST of new markets, and by the more thorough EXPLOITATION of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented." (Manifesto of the Communist Party).


Synthetic notes on the process of rupture of the world division and the crisis of overproduction

The victorious capitalist powers of the 2nd world slaughter (among them Russian imperialism, falsely called socialist) divided up Europe and the World. The period of post-war reconstruction lasted until the 1970s, in parallel with the development and culmination of the anti-colonial bourgeois revolutions in Asia (of which Maoism is one more expression) and Africa, culminating in the defeat of the US in Vietnam in 1975. At the end of this cycle, the first US trade deficit, the rupture of the Bretton Woods agreements, the beginning of the fall in interest rates and the increase in US indebtedness signaled the first symptoms of the gradual decline of US imperialism.

From this moment the US tried to slow down capitalist development in Asia and Africa and their incorporation into the world market together with South America, fighting to block the interconnection and development of new capitalist areas (military coups in South America, overthrow of the Shah, Iraq-Iran war in 1980-1988, etc.).

But the capitalist powers defeated in the second world slaughter were recovering more quickly, having suffered greater destruction. German imperialism initiated the steps of its recovery with the ECSC (1951), the EEC and the EAEC (1957), with the objective shared with the French bourgeoisie that the third world war would not happen again in Europe. With the fall of false socialism in Russia (from 1989) and the crumbling of the Eastern capitalist bloc, the chains preventing the reunification of Germany and the imperialist recovery of its sphere of influence were broken. The other loser, Japan, managed to occupy the first 10 banks by assets in 1990 and to multiply by 10 the robotization of its industry in relation to the US and Germany.

The Iraq war (1990) was the US response to stop the "vanquished" threatening to dethrone it. By imposing the payment of war costs, with the contingency of Japanese production, it was imposed on a disarmed Japan to stew in the sauce of its own relative overproduction of capital. It did not work so well with Germany, which managed to impose the dismemberment of Yugoslavia (1991-1999), the creation of the EU (1993) and, after overcoming the attack on the European Monetary System in 1992, managed to launch its currency in 1999 in the financial markets to compete with the dollar as a hoarding currency and world currency.

In 2000 the ".coms" burst and the airlines went bankrupt in the US, and US imperialism proceeded to try the same recipe after the opportune self-attacks of 9/11 in 2001, with the invasion of Afghanistan. The failure of the attempt to take control of PDVSA in 2002 determined the US bourgeoisie to invade Iraq (2003) in order to unload the war on the rest of the competitors and to put oil at a price that would allow the launching of fracking gas and become a purely fossil fuel exporting country. But the high prices not only benefited the US, but also revived the Russian imperialist power from the disaster suffered in 1989.

In 2008, the crisis of relative overproduction of capital began in a general way, which has led world capitalism to witness the complete reversal of its parameters and coordinates for a not insignificant period of time (negative interest rates, trillions of dollars of debt with negative nominal yields, capital purchase and injection programs, etc.).

Twenty years after 2001, U.S. imperialism has not been able to maintain its positions and is withdrawing with its tail between its legs from Iraq and Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Chinese capitalist imperialism is expanding throughout the world with the New Silk Road and European imperialism - which thought itself immune - is seeing with alarm how it is being displaced by Russia and China in Africa (withdrawal from the Sahel) and even from its backyard and area of influence (Eastern Europe and the Balkans).

It is in this context that the different capitalist imperialisms (USA, EU, China, Russia, etc.) are taking positions for this war through the multiple conflicts that are developing in the world (Ethiopia, Yemen, Taiwan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, etc.). Any one of these conflicts can ignite the enormous powder keg of the multiplied accumulated war destructive capacity and start the fire of the third world war.


The proletarian alternative to war is anti-capitalist social revolution

The role reserved for the proletariat in the bourgeois script we have described and in the subsequent episodes is that of cannon fodder in the field of exploitation and on the war front, unless it rises up against the exploiters as a class for itself and not for capital, resumes the class struggle and constitutes itself into an International Communist Party.

From the First World War, in the heat of the October Revolution, arose in 1919 the Communist International, organ for international revolution, declaring to the world proletariat:

"‘Remember the imperialist war!' These are the first words addressed by the Communist International to every working man and woman; wherever they live and whatever language they speak. Remember that because of the existence of capitalist society a handful of imperialists were able to force the workers of the different countries for four long years to cut each other's throats. Remember that the war of the bourgeoisie conjured up in Europe and through­out the world the most frightful famine and the most appalling misery. Remember that without the overthrow of capitalism the repetition of such robber wars is not only possible but in­evitable. (...) The imperialist war once again confirmed what was written in the statutes of the First International: the emancipation of the workers is not a local, nor a national, but an international problem." (Statutes of the Communist International, II Congress, 1920).

This International suffered a serious degeneration in the course of a short period of time by committing a series of tactical (political united front, 1921), tactical-programmatic (workers government, 1922), organizational (the wrongly called "Bolshevization", 1924) errors that led to the Stalinist counterrevolution (the "socialism in one country" or the lie that in Russia there was socialism, 1926). These errors destroyed the International itself, turning it into a subsidiary subordinated to the needs of the construction of capitalism in Russia. Stalinism was not the cause but the product of these errors and deviations.

Without the complete and definitive overcoming of these tactical-programmatic-organizational errors the resumption of the class line, of the International Communist Party, is impossible. Without the reappropriation of the Marxist program and theory an alternative to the macabre script reconstruction-overproduction-crisis-war-destruction is impossible: "without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement." (Lenin, What is to be done?, 1903).

The Stalinist counterrevolution broke the backbone of the world proletariat which still suffers the consequences of this defeat and of the false association of socialism with the ragged capitalism that developed in Russia and satellites or Cuba (hardly anyone can swallow that there is socialism in China). Already in 1934, Stalinist Russia had entered the League of Nations, stigmatized by Lenin as the "thieves’ kitchen". In 1943, in the midst of the Second World War, Stalinism dissolved the corpse of the International as an offering to better divide Europe and the world with the rest of the imperialist powers.

Well, in the present situation in which capitalism has spread to the last corner of the world and in the face of the deepening of the current crisis of overproduction and the sharpening of conflicts between imperialist powers, what is the international position of the communists?

Today as yesterday, the militant communist position is that of revolutionary defeatism, the transformation of imperialist war into revolutionary civil war: " The proletariat must not only oppose all such wars, but must also wish for the defeat of its 'own' government in such wars and utilize its defeat for revolutionary insurrection, if an insurrection to prevent the war proves unsuccessful."(The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution, Lenin, 1916). Any defense of one's own "country" is to betray the cause of the revolution: "The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what they have not got." (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).

Any pacifist illusion in a capitalism without wars is a social stupefacient which delivers the proletariat bound hand and foot to its bourgeoisie at the moment of truth: "6th (...) without the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism no international court of arbitration, no agreement to limit armaments, no 'democratic' reorganization of the League of Nations, will be able to prevent new imperialist wars." (Conditions of Admission, II Congress of the Communist International, 1920).

"Only by cursing all war and everything military, only be demanding disarmament? The women of an oppressed and really revolutionary class will never accept that shameful role. They will say to their sons: “You will soon be grown up. You will be given a gun. Take it and learn the military art properly. The proletarians need this knowledge not to shoot your brothers, the workers of other countries, as is being done in the present war, and as the traitors to socialism are telling you to do. They need it to fight the bourgeoisie of their own country, to put an end to exploitation, poverty and war, and not by pious wishes, but by defeating and disarming the bourgeoisie.” (.....) "Only after the proletariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie will it be able, without betraying its world-historic mission, to consign all armaments to the scrap-heap. And the proletariat will undoubtedly do this, but only when this condition has been fulfilled, certainly not before." (The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution, Lenin, 1916).

This world is sinking and threatens to drag us down with it, we have no patches to put on it but a new society to fight and live for. And not a caricature of it with changed names (as in Russia, Cuba, China, Venezuela, etc.) but a truly communist society: without wage labor, without market, without anarchy of production, without State, without crisis, without wars... in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all (Manifesto of the Communist Party).


For proletarian internationalism!

  • Rejection of all nationalism.
  • Rejection of solidarity with the corporate economy and with the "national" economy.
  • Revolutionary defeatism against the bourgeoisie itself in times of commercial or military war.
  • Joint and international organization of the proletarians of all languages in the International Communist Party for the communist revolution on a world scale.



INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST PARTY - "THE INTERNATIONALIST PROLETARIAN" - February 2022 - pcielcomunista.org - @pcielcomunista

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