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The fundamental of the doctrine are the guidelines of the historical materialism and the critical communism of Marx and Engels, formulated in The Manifesto of the Communists, in The Capital and in their other fundamental works, base of the constitution of the Communist International in 1919, of the Communist Party of Italy in 1921, and contained in the ponits of the program of the party published in «Battaglia Comunista», nº 1 de 1951 and republished several times in «Il Programma Comunista».

We transcribe here the text of the program:

The Internatioanal Communist Party is constituted upon the basis of the following principles, estableshed in Livorno in 1921 in the foundation of the Communist Party of Italy (Section of the Communist International).

1.– In the current capitalist social regime and ever-growing contradiction develops between the productive forcesand the production relation, giving raise to the antitheses of interests and to the class struggle between the proletariat and the dominant burgeoisie.

2.– The current production relations are protected by the power of the burgeoise State which, no matter what is the form of the representative system and the use of elective democracy, constitutes the organ for the defense of the interests of the capitalist class.

3.– The proletariat cannot break nor modify the system of capitalist production relations, whence its exploitation derives, without the violent destruction of the bugeoise power.

4.– The essential organ of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat is the class party. The communist party, gathering together the most advanced and decided part of the proletariat, unifies the efforts of the worker masses leading them from the struggles for group interests and contingent results, to the general struggle for the revolutionary emancipation of the proletariat. The party has the duty of spreading among the masses the revolutionary theory, of organizing the material means of action, of leading the working mass during the struggle assuring the historical continuity and the international unity of the movement.

5.– After the overthrow of the capitalist power, the proletariat will not be able to organize itself in dominant class if it does not destroy the old state machine and the imposition of its own dictatorship, that is, depriving of all rights and political function the bugeoisie class and all its individuals as long as they survive socially, and basing the organs of the new regime only upon the producing class. the communist party, whose programatic characteristic consists in this fundamental execution, represents, organizes and leads in a unitary form the proletarian dictatorship. The necessary defense of the prolatarian State against all counterrevolutionary attempts can anly be assured depriving the burgeoisie and all the parties hostile to the proletarian dictatorship, of any mean of agitation and political propaganda, and with the armed organization of the proletariat to refuse internal and external attacks.

6.– Only the force of the proletarian State will be able to systematically apply all the successive intervention measures in the relations of the social economy, which with the substitution of the capitalist system for the collective management of production and distribution will be effectuated.

7.– As a result of this economic transformation and the consequent transformations of all the activities of social life, the need of a political State will progressively be eliminated, and its machinery will progressively be reduced to the rational administration of human activities.

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The position of the party in front of the situation of the capitalist world and the worker movement after the second world war is based upon the following points:

8.– During the firts half of the XXth century, the capitalist social system has developped itself, in the economical field, with the introduction of employer unions with monopolistical aims and the attempts to control and lead the production and the exchanges according to central plans, until the state management of whole productive sectors; in the political field, with the growth of the police and military potential of the State and the governmental totalitarism. All these are not new types of social organization defined as a transition from capitalism to socialism, neither a return to preburgeoise political regimes; on the contrary, they are precise forms of even more direct and exclusive management of the power and the State by the most developped forces of the capital.

This process excludes the pacifist, evolutionist and progressive interpretations of the future of the buirgeoise regime, and confirms the forecast of the concentration and the antagonical disposition of the class forces. In order to be able to strengthen and concentrate the revolutionary forces of the proletariat with the potential that corresponds that of the class enemy, the proletariat must refuse, as its own reivindication and as an agitation method, the vain return to the democratical liberalism and to the demand of legal guarantees, and must historically finish with the method of alliances with transitory aims of the revolutionary class party, whether with burgeoise or middle-class parties of with pseudo-worker parties with reformist program.

9.– The imperialist world wars show that the disgregation crisis of the capitalism is inevitable, with the decisive openning of the period in which its expansion does not arouse the productive forces any more, but conditions its accumulation to a repeated and growing destruction. These wars have led to deep and reiterated crises of the world organization of the workers, since the dominant classes have been able to impose the national and military solidarity with either one of the belligerent sides. The only historical alternative that must be opposed to this situation is lighting again the class struggle in the interior until getting to the civil war of the working masses to overthrow the power of all the burgeoise States and of the world coalitions, with the reconstitution of the international communist party as an autonomous force in front of all the organized political and military powers.

10.– The prolterian State, since its machinery is a mean and a fight weapon in the historical period of transition, does not take its organizative strength from constitutional cánones nor from representative shemes. The biggest historical example of organization has been up till now the Worker Counsils, which appeared during the russian revolution of October 1917, in the armed organization period of the working class under the only guide of the boshevik party, the totalitarian conquest of the power, the dissolution of the COnstitutional Assembly, the fight to refuse the exterior attacks of the burgeoise governments, and to smash in the interior the rebellion of the defeated classes, of the middle and small bureoise classes, and of the opportunistic parties, infalible allies of the counterrevolution in its decisive fases.

11.– the defense of the proletarian regime, with the implicit degeneration dangers in the possible failures and withdrawals of the economical and social transformation work, whose integral execution is not thinkable within the limits of a single country, can only be assured by a continous coordination of the politics of the worker State, with the unitary international struggle of the proletariat of every country against its own burgeoisie and its state and military machinery, incessant struggle in whatever situation of peace or war, and through the political and programtical control of the world communist party upon the State machineries in which the working class has conquisted the power.